Call for Papers – Amílcar Cabral at 100: Liberation and Legacy

Editors:

Carlos Lopes – The Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance, University of Cape Town

Aurora Almada e Santos – Institute of Contemporary History, NOVA University of Lisbon

Pedro Goulart – Centre for Public Administration and Public Policies, Institute of Social and Po-litical Sciences, Universidade de Lisboa

Abstract:

Amílcar Cabral, a towering figure in the fight against colonialism and a leading intellectual force in the struggle for the independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde and beyond, con-tinues to be an influential reference for the study of contemporary Africa as we approach the commemoration of his 100th anniversary in 2024. Cabral’s impact transcends the temporal confines of his era, and his enduring relevance lies in his visionary leadership, revolutionary ideologies, and commitment to social justice. As a key architect of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC), Cabral not only orchestrated a successful armed struggle against Portuguese colonial rule but also championed comprehensive state-building programs that addressed the socio-economic needs of the liberated territories. His emphasis on grassroots empowerment, education, and the intersectionality of global challenges underscores his forward-thinking approach, making Cabral a timeless icon in the quest for human rights and self-determination.

Cabral’s intellectual legacy is a multifaceted tapestry encompassing ideological, strategic, relational, inspirational, and post-colonial dimensions. At its core, Cabral’s ideological framework was a powerful tool to challenge colonial dominance, emphasising the fusion of national liberation with cultural resurgence. His toolkit for resistance featured diverse methods, including armed struggle, state-building initiatives, diplomacy, and effective communication strategies.

The networking dimension showcases Cabral’s adeptness in cultivating connections with sympathetic nations, international organisations, non-state actors, and individuals globally. His ideas have transcended borders, becoming a source of inspiration for individuals and groups worldwide engaged in struggles against oppression.

In the post-colonial realm, Cabral’s memory and ideas shape ongoing discussions on identity and governance after colonialism. Simultaneously, the iconic dimension reflects the sustained scholarly interest in Cabral’s figure, particularly by academics from the Global South, highlighting the enduring relevance of his contributions to post-colonial studies, political theory, and social movements. Cabral’s profound impact extends far beyond the historical context of Guinea and Cabo Verde, leaving an indelible mark on the global discourse on liberation, identity, and self-determination.

To delve into the intricate dynamics marking the conclusion of Portuguese colonial rule in Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde, the Cadernos de Estudos Africanos plans to release a special issue in December 2024 centered on Amílcar Cabral. This thematic edition aims to leverage Ca-bral’s influential persona as a foundational lens, exploring diverse analytical trajectories to shed light on his role in shaping the statehood evolution of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde.

Submission deadline: March 2024.

Expression of Interest: January 15th 2024

Submission guidelines include original papers in Portuguese or English, double-spaced text in Times New Roman, size 12, with margins no less than 3 cm. Papers should not exceed 60,000 characters (about 30 pages), including spaces, notes, bibliography, tables, graphs, and figures. Each paper must feature a title, abstract (up to 120 words), and six keywords in Portuguese and English. References should follow APA style.

 

Call for Papers: Sexual and Reproductive Rights in Africa

Editors:

Clara Carvalho (CEI-Iscte)

Ricardo Falcão (CEI-Iscte)

Isaiete Jabula

 

Abstract:

Sexual and reproductive rights were explicitly inscribed in human rights instruments during the 1990s. While initially, especially during the 1970s, they were promoted in the framework of health under the banner of reproductive rights, these have been widened considerably and to become symbols of the struggle for individual liberty and rights. Nevertheless, the juridical and political nature of these instruments of international law, translated locally, creates forms of biopolitics that aren’t always aligned with local practices and beliefs, thus finding considerable social and cultural resistance. In West Africa (but also beyond), the social legitimacy of these rights is growingly questioned as new waves of religious and social conservatism try to conquer the public sphere.

This call for papers encompasses the wide field where local and international actors both deploy conflicting and converging discourses about dividing issues such as gender equality, sexual rights, gender-based violence, abortion, planned reproduction, and gender roles.  It also wants to highlight the conundrums of how legislation is enforced, and its implementation financed. A critical approach to these intersections is necessary, especially concerning local activists and changing sociocultural practices and their social histories. Beyond the idioms of mobilisation, the social importance of local definitions of the public and private realms, notions of silence and discretion, and all their gendered forms underline the complexity of the social communication codes around sexuality and reproduction. An overly restrictive vision of politicisation as mobilisation might evaluate certain silences as symptomatic of non-politicization. Still, it has been shown that more complex views of political mobilisation can be considered through the role played by imaginaries and concrete subversive practices that elude social constraints.

In this call for papers, we invite scholars to contribute their valuable research on sexual and reproductive rights in Guinea-Bissau and Senegal, focusing particularly on local social dynamics. Your contributions will play a crucial role in widening the scope of the discussions and shaping the discourse on these important issues in West Africa.

 

Guidelines for Authors:

Contributions should be submitted to the journal’s page on RCAAP (https://revistas.rcaap.pt/cea/) until 20 June 2023.

Submitted papers must be original and follow specific guidelines, that can be consulted here: https://revistas.rcaap.pt/cea/about .

Extension of Call for Paper – Moçambique e os BRICS

CADERNOS DE ESTUDOS AFRICANOS – THEMATIC ISSUE: “MOZAMBIQUE AND THE BRICS”

 

CALL FOR PAPERS

Over the past decade a set of literature has flourished on the designated BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, later joined by South Africa), five emerging economies that are characterized by rapid industrialization and the growing influence at regional and international level. Representing approximately 40% of the world’s population and 20% of the gross world product, the BRICS have been subject of a wide range of reflections and analysis. In its relationship with the African continent in general or with Mozambique in particular, the discourse on the BRICS tends to be structured around two opposite poles: On the one hand, as a form of South-South cooperation, as an alternative to forms neocolonial exploitation or as an alternative model of development for the African continent. On the other, several civil society organizations have fueled a number of concerns about the impact of economic investments, both in terms of environmental impacts, working conditions or resettlement of populations, as well as the implications of business styles on conceptions and practice of good governance and human rights.

In Mozambique, the historical relationship with these countries has been different. Although it goes back to the colonial period, the Indian presence has been highlighted in the extractive and energy sector, with ongoing major investments in the provinces of the center and north of the country. From an earlier relationship based on political, military and socio-economic cooperation, Mozambican relations with China have evolved in a predominantly commercial basis, assuming the Asian country as an important partner with a strong presence in construction and forestry, although often characterized by conflictual labor relations. Similarly, if until the 1980s the economic and political relations with the Soviet Union experienced a major vitality, these relations cooled with the liberalization of the Mozambican economy and the dismantling of the Eastern bloc. The media is currently reporting the interest of Russian economic and diplomatic delegations in sectors such as energy, extractive or fisheries. The relationship between Brazil and Mozambique has also extended to various sectors, especially mining, construction, education or agriculture, generating a controversy surrounding the resettlement of populations, either as a result of coal mining or the Prosavana agro-investment program.

Much of the available literature is echoed by a sensationalist press or a Mozambican civil society often funded by Western development agencies. In these analyzes, employers and foreign agents often appear muted, and there is a lack of reflection on their conduct and business models in Mozambique, as well as perpectives on social or political representations.

In this sense, the journal Cadernos de Estudos Africanos aims to bring together academic contributions in the form of articles, reviews or interviews that deal with the following analysis of topics:

  • Critical reflections on the social construction of the BRICS or South-South cooperation concepts;
  • intergovernmental relations beween Mozambique and the BRICS;
  • Management and market implementation strategies by companies coming from the BRICS;
  • Natural resources exploitation and population resettlement processes in Mozambique;
  • Social responsibility practices, labor relations or investments coming from the BRICS;
  • Social representations and intercultural relalations between Mozambicans and Brazilian, Russian, Indian, Chinese and South African citizens, organizations and firms;
  • Mozambican civil society organizations reactions to the political and economic links with the BRICS or relationship dynamics between both countries civil society movements.

 

Contributions should be sent to cadernos.cei@iscte.pt, with the subject “Mozambique and the BRICS” until 30 September 2017. Authors will be notified of the article acceptance until 30 October 2017.

Organizers: João Feijó (Observatório do Meio Rural) & Nelson António (ISCTE-IUL)

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CADERNOS DE ESTUDOS AFRICANOS – NÚMERO TEMÁTICO “MOÇAMBIQUE E OS BRICS”

CHAMADA DE ARTIGOS

Ao longo da última década vem florescendo um conjunto de literatura sobre os designados BRICS (Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China, a que mais tarde se juntou a África do Sul), as cinco economias emergentes que se destacam pela rápida industrialização e pela crescente influência a nível regional e internacional. Representando aproximadamente 40% da população mundial e 20% do produto bruto mundial, os BRICS têm sido alvo de um amplo leque de reflexões e análises. Na sua relação com o continente africano em geral ou com Moçambique em particular, o discurso sobre os BRICS vem-se estruturando em torno de dois polos tendencialmente opostos: Por um lado, como uma forma de cooperação Sul-Sul, como uma alternativa a formas neo-colonialistas de exploração ou como um modelo alternativo de desenvolvimento para o continente africano. Por outro, diversas organizações da sociedade civil têm alimentado um conjunto de preocupações sobre o impacto dos investimentos económicos, quer ao nível ambiental, da segurança no trabalho ou do reassentamento de populações, assim como das implicações dos estilos de negociação sobre o que se designa de boa governação e de defesa dos direitos humanos.

Em Moçambique, a relação histórica com estes países tem sido distinta. Ainda que remonte ao período colonial, a presença indiana ganhou destaque no sector extractivo e energético, com grandes investimentos em curso nas províncias do Centro e Norte do país. De uma relação assente na cooperação política, militar e socio-económica, as relações com a China evoluíram para um carácter predominantemente comercial, assumindo-se o país asiático como um importante parceiro, com forte presença nos sectores da construção e florestal, frequentemente caracterizado por relações laborais conflituais. Da mesma forma, se até à década de 1980 as relações económicas e políticas com a União Soviética conheceram uma importante vitalidade, as relações arrefeceram com a liberalização da economia moçambicana e com o desmantelamento do bloco de leste. A comunicação social reporta, contudo, o interesse de delegações económicas e diplomáticas russas no investimento em sectores como o energético, extractivo ou das pescas. A relação do Brasil com Moçambique tem-se também alargado a diversos sectores, com destaque para a mineração, construção, ensino ou agropecuária, gerando-se uma polémica em torno dos processos de reassentamento de populações, quer em resultado da mineração, quer do programa Prosavana.

Grande parte da literatura disponível é particularmente ecoada por uma comunicação social sensacionalista ou por uma sociedade civil moçambicana frequentemente financiada por agências de desenvolvimento Ocidentais. Nestas análises, os empregadores e agentes estrangeiros aparecem frequentemente silenciados, carecendo a realização de estudos que reflictam sobre os respectivos modelos de negócio e de conduta em Moçambique, assim como perspectivas e representações sociais.

Neste sentido, a revista Cadernos de Estudos Africanos pretende reunir contribuições académicas em forma de artigos, recensões ou entrevistas que versem sobre os seguintes tópicos de análise:

  • Reflexões críticas sobre a construção social dos conceitos de BRICS ou de cooperação Sul-Sul;
  • Relações inter-governamentais ente Moçambique e os BRICS;
  • Estratégias de gestão e de implementação nos mercados por parte de empresas oriundas dos BRICS;
  • Exploração de recursos naturais e processos de reassentamento de populações em Moçambique;
  • Práticas de responsabilidade social, relações laborais ou investimentos oriundo dos BRICS;
  • Representações sociais e relações interculturais entre moçambicanos e cidadãos brasileiros, russos, indianos, chineses ou sul-africanos;
  • Reacção das organizações da sociedade civil moçambicana relativamente ao relacionamento com os BRICS ou dinâmicas de relacionamento entre os movimentos da sociedade civil de ambos os países.

 

As contribuições deverão ser encaminhadas para cadernos.cei@iscte.pt, com o assunto “Moçambique e os BRICS”, até dia 30 de setembro de 2017. Os autores serão notificados sobre a aceitação do artigo dia 30 de outubro de 2017.

Organizadores: João Feijó (Observatório do Meio Rural) & Nelson António (ISCTE-IUL)

 

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